The late US VP Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful incumbents of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised enormous power during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a contingent of neo-conservatives that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the downing of any unresponsive aircraft heading toward the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults changed him, causing him to be determined on revenge. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate reports echoed by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It represented the correct action to do back then. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance presently."
But during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at a minimum," he later wrote "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: at worst, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which US concerns might be threatened (featuring "access to essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be prepared to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be arranged," specifically referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of diminishing America's involvement in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his father's face that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were whether weak or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish initiatives to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in nicknames imposed on him by critics such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? It's a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his commercial relationships accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the White House. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US deals worth billions.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his time at the company grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling over $20m|twenty
